June 4, 1940
House of Commons
The position of the B. E.F had now become critical As a result of a most
skilfully conducted retreat and German errors, the bulk of the British Forces
reached the Dunkirk bridgehead. The peril facing the British nation was now
suddenly and universally perceived. On May 26, "Operation Dynamo "--the
evacuation from Dunkirk began. The seas remained absolutely calm. The Royal Air
Force--bitterly maligned at the time by the Army--fought vehemently to deny the
enemy the total air supremacy which would have wrecked the operation. At the
outset, it was hoped that 45,000 men might be evacuated; in the event, over
338,000 Allied troops reached England, including 26,000 French soldiers. On June
4, Churchill reported to the House of Commons, seeking to check the mood of
national euphoria and relief at the unexpected deliverance, and to make a clear
appeal to the United States.
From the moment that the French defences at Sedan and on the Meuse were broken
at the end of the second week of May, only a rapid retreat to Amiens and the
south could have saved the British and French Armies who had entered Belgium at
the appeal of the Belgian King; but this strategic fact was not immediately
realized. The French High Command hoped they would be able to close the gap, and
the Armies of the north were under their orders. Moreover, a retirement of this
kind would have involved almost certainly the destruction of the fine Belgian
Army of over 20 divisions and the abandonment of the whole of Belgium.
Therefore, when the force and scope of the German penetration were realized and
when a new French Generalissimo, General Weygand, assumed command in place of
General Gamelin, an effort was made by the French and British Armies in Belgium
to keep on holding the right hand of the Belgians and to give their own right
hand to a newly created French Army which was to have advanced across the Somme
in great strength to grasp it.
However, the German eruption swept like a sharp scythe around the right and rear
of the Armies of the north. Eight or nine armored divisions, each of about four
hundred armored vehicles of different kinds, but carefully assorted to be
complementary and divisible into small self-contained units, cut off all
communications between us and the main French Armies. It severed our own
communications for food and ammunition, which ran first to Amiens and afterwards
through Abbeville, and it shore its way up the coast to Boulogne and Calais, and
almost to Dunkirk. Behind this armored and mechanized onslaught came a number of
German divisions in lorries, and behind them again there plodded comparatively
slowly the dull brute mass of the ordinary German Army and German people, always
so ready to be led to the trampling down in other lands of liberties and
comforts which they have never known in their own.
I have said this armored scythe-stroke almost reached Dunkirk-almost but not
quite. Boulogne and Calais were the scenes of desperate fighting. The Guards
defended Boulogne for a while and were then withdrawn by orders from this
country. The Rifle Brigade, the 60th Rifles, and the Queen Victoria's Rifles,
with a battalion of British tanks and 1,000 Frenchmen, in all about four
thousand strong, defended Calais to the last. The British Brigadier was given an
hour to surrender. He spurned the offer, and four days of intense street
fighting passed before silence reigned over Calais, which marked the end of a
memorable resistance. Only 30 unwounded survivors were brought off by the Navy,
and we do not know the fate of their comrades. Their sacrifice, however, was not
in vain. At least two armored divisions, which otherwise would have been turned
against the British Expeditionary Force, had to be sent to overcome them. They
have added another page to the glories of the light divisions, and the time
gained enabled the Graveline water lines to be flooded and to be held by the
French troops.
Thus it was that the port of Dunkirk was kept open. When it was found impossible
for the Armies of the north to reopen their communications to Amiens with the
main French Armies, only one choice remained. It seemed, indeed, forlorn. The
Belgian, British and French Armies were almost surrounded. Their sole line of
retreat was to a single port and to its neighbouring beaches. They were pressed
on every side by heavy attacks and far outnumbered in the air.
When, a week ago today, I asked the House to fix this afternoon as the occasion
for a statement, I feared it would be my hard lot to announce the greatest
military disaster in our long history. I thought-and some good judges agreed
with me-that perhaps 20,000 or 30,000 men might be re-embarked. But it certainly
seemed that the whole of the French First Army and the whole of the British
Expeditionary Force north of the Amiens-Abbeville gap would be broken up in the
open field or else would have to capitulate for lack of food and ammunition.
These were the hard and heavy tidings for which I called upon the House and the
nation to prepare themselves a week ago. The whole root and core and brain of
the British Army, on which and around which we were to build, and are to build,
the great British Armies in the later years of the war, seemed about to perish
upon the field or to be led into an ignominious and starving captivity.
That was the prospect a week ago. But another blow which might well have proved
final was yet to fall upon us. The King of the Belgians had called upon us to
come to his aid. Had not this Ruler and his Government severed themselves from
the Allies, who rescued their country from extinction in the late war, and had
they not sought refuge in what was proved to be a fatal neutrality, the French
and British Armies might well at the outset have saved not only Belgium but
perhaps even Poland. Yet at the last moment, when Belgium was already invaded,
King Leopold called upon us to come to his aid, and even at the last moment we
came. He and his brave, efficient Army, nearly half a million strong, guarded
our left flank and thus kept open our only line of retreat to the sea. Suddenly,
without prior consultation, with the least possible notice, without the advice
of his Ministers and upon his own personal act, he sent a plenipotentiary to the
German Command, surrendered his Army, and exposed our whole flank and means of
retreat.
I asked the House a week ago to suspend its judgment because the facts were not
clear, but I do not feel that any reason now exists why we should not form our
own opinions upon this pitiful episode. The surrender of the Belgian Army
compelled the British at the shortest notice to cover a flank to the sea more
than 30 miles in length. Otherwise all would have been cut off, and all would
have shared the fate to which King Leopold had condemned the finest Army his
country had ever formed. So in doing this and in exposing this flank, as anyone
who followed the operations on the map will see, contact was lost between the
British and two out of the three corps forming the First French Army, who were
still farther from the coast than we were, and it seemed impossible that any
large number of Allied troops could reach the coast.
The enemy attacked on all sides with great strength and fierceness, and their
main power, the power of their far more numerous Air Force, was thrown into the
battle or else concentrated upon Dunkirk and the beaches. Pressing in upon the
narrow exit, both from the east and from the west, the enemy began to fire with
cannon upon the beaches by which alone the shipping could approach or depart.
They sowed magnetic mines in the channels and seas; they sent repeated waves of
hostile aircraft, sometimes more than a hundred strong in one formation, to cast
their bombs upon the single pier that remained, and upon the sand dunes upon
which the troops had their eyes for shelter. Their U-boats, one of which was
sunk, and their motor launches took their toll of the vast traffic which now
began. For four or five days an intense struggle reigned. All their armoured
divisions-or what Was left of them-together with great masses of infantry and
artillery, hurled themselves in vain upon the ever-narrowing, ever-contracting
appendix within which the British and French Armies fought.
Meanwhile, the Royal Navy, with the willing help of countless merchant seamen,
strained every nerve to embark the British and Allied troops; 220 light warships
and 650 other vessels were engaged. They had to operate upon the difficult
coast, often in adverse weather, under an almost ceaseless hail of bombs and an
increasing concentration of artillery fire. Nor were the seas, as I have said,
themselves free from mines and torpedoes. It was in conditions such as these
that our men carried on, with little or no rest, for days and nights on end,
making trip after trip across the dangerous waters, bringing with them always
men whom they had rescued. The numbers they have brought back are the measure of
their devotion and their courage. The hospital ships, which brought off many
thousands of British and French wounded, being so plainly marked were a special
target for Nazi bombs; but the men and women on board them never faltered in
their duty.
Meanwhile, the Royal Air Force, which had already been intervening in the
battle, so far as its range would allow, from home bases, now used part of its
main metropolitan fighter strength, and struck at the German bombers and at the
fighters which in large numbers protected them. This struggle was protracted and
fierce. Suddenly the scene has cleared, the crash and thunder has for the
moment-but only for the moment-died away. A miracle of deliverance, achieved by
valour, by perseverance, by perfect discipline, by faultless service, by
resource, by skill, by unconquerable fidelity, is manifest to us all. The enemy
was hurled back by the retreating British and French troops. He was so roughly
handled that he did not hurry their departure seriously. The Royal Air Force
engaged the main strength of the German Air Force, and inflicted upon them
losses of at least four to one; and the Navy, using nearly 1,000 ships of all
kinds, carried over 335,000 men, French and British, out of the jaws of death
and shame, to their native land and to the tasks which lie immediately ahead. We
must be very careful not to assign to this deliverance the attributes of a
victory. Wars are not won by evacuations. But there was a victory inside this
deliverance, which should be noted. It was gained by the Air Force. Many of our
soldiers coming back have not seen the Air Force at work; they saw only the
bombers which escaped its protective attack. They underrate its achievements. I
have heard much talk of this; that is why I go out of my way to say this. I will
tell you about it.
This was a great trial of strength between the British and German Air Forces.
Can you conceive a greater objective for the Germans in the air than to make
evacuation from these beaches impossible, and to sink all these ships which were
displayed, almost to the extent of thousands? Could there have been an objective
of greater military importance and significance for the whole purpose of the war
than this? They tried hard, and they were beaten back; they were frustrated in
their task. We got the Army away; and they have paid fourfold for any losses
which they have inflicted. Very large formations of German aeroplanes-and we
know that they are a very brave race-have turned on several occasions from the
attack of one-quarter of their number of the Royal Air Force, and have dispersed
in different directions. Twelve aeroplanes have been hunted by two. One
aeroplane was driven into the water and cast away by the mere charge of a
British aeroplane, which had no more ammunition. All of our types-the Hurricane,
the Spitfire and the new Defiant-and all our pilots have been vindicated as
superior to what they have at present to face.
When we consider how much greater would be our advantage in defending the air
above this Island against an overseas attack, I must say that I find in these
facts a sure basis upon which practical and reassuring thoughts may rest. I will
pay my tribute to these young airmen. The great French Army was very largely,
for the time being, cast back and disturbed by the onrush of a few thousands of
armored vehicles. May it not also be that the cause of civilization itself will
be defended by the skill and devotion of a few thousand airmen? There never has
been, I suppose, in all the world, in all the history of war, such an
opportunity for youth. The Knights of the Round Table, the Crusaders, all fall
back into the past-not only distant but prosaic; these young men, going forth
every morn to guard their native land and all that we stand for, holding in
their hands these instruments of colossal and shattering power, of whom it may
be said that
Every morn brought forth a noble chance
And every chance brought forth a noble knight,
deserve our gratitude, as do all the brave men who, in so many ways and on so
many occasions, are ready, and continue ready to give life and all for their
native land.
I return to the Army. In the long series of very fierce battles, now on this
front, now on that, fighting on three fronts at once, battles fought by two or
three divisions against an equal or somewhat larger number of the enemy, and
fought fiercely on some of the old grounds that so many of us knew so well-in
these battles our losses in men have exceeded 30,000 killed, wounded and
missing. I take occasion to express the sympathy of the House to all who have
suffered bereavement or who are still anxious. The President of the Board of
Trade [Sir Andrew Duncan] is not here today. His son has been killed, and many
in the House have felt the pangs of affliction in the sharpest form. But I will
say this about the missing: We have had a large number of wounded come home
safely to this country, but I would say about the missing that there may be very
many reported missing who will come back home, some day, in one way or another.
In the confusion of this fight it is inevitable that many have been left in
positions where honour required no further resistance from them.
Against this loss of over 30,000 men, we can set a far heavier loss certainly
inflicted upon the enemy. But our losses in material are enormous. We have
perhaps lost one-third of the men we lost in the opening days of the battle of
21st March, 1918, but we have lost nearly as many guns -- nearly one
thousand-and all our transport, all the armoured vehicles that were with the
Army in the north. This loss will impose a further delay on the expansion of our
military strength. That expansion had not been proceeding as far as we had
hoped. The best of all we had to give had gone to the British Expeditionary
Force, and although they had not the numbers of tanks and some articles of
equipment which were desirable, they were a very well and finely equipped Army.
They had the first-fruits of all that our industry had to give, and that is
gone. And now here is this further delay. How long it will be, how long it will
last, depends upon the exertions which we make in this Island. An effort the
like of which has never been seen in our records is now being made. Work is
proceeding everywhere, night and day, Sundays and week days. Capital and Labour
have cast aside their interests, rights, and customs and put them into the
common stock. Already the flow of munitions has leaped forward. There is no
reason why we should not in a few months overtake the sudden and serious loss
that has come upon us, without retarding the development of our general program.
Nevertheless, our thankfulness at the escape of our Army and so many men, whose
loved ones have passed through an agonizing week, must not blind us to the fact
that what has happened in France and Belgium is a colossal military disaster.
The French Army has been weakened, the Belgian Army has been lost, a large part
of those fortified lines upon which so much faith had been reposed is gone, many
valuable mining districts and factories have passed into the enemy's possession,
the whole of the Channel ports are in his hands, with all the tragic
consequences that follow from that, and we must expect another blow to be struck
almost immediately at us or at France. We are told that Herr Hitler has a plan
for invading the British Isles. This has often been thought of before. When
Napoleon lay at Boulogne for a year with his flat-bottomed boats and his Grand
Army, he was told by someone. "There are bitter weeds in England." There are
certainly a great many more of them since the British Expeditionary Force
returned.
The whole question of home defences against invasion is, of course, powerfully
affected by the fact that we have for the time being in this Island incomparably
more powerful military forces than we have ever had at any moment in this war or
the last. But this will not continue. We shall not be content with a defensive
war. We have our duty to our Ally. We have to reconstitute and build up the
British Expeditionary Force once again, under its gallant Commander-in-Chief,
Lord Gort. All this is in train; but in the interval we must put our defences in
this Island into such a high state of organization that the fewest possible
numbers will be required to give effective security and that the largest
possible potential of offensive effort may be realized. On this we are now
engaged. It will be very convenient, if it be the desire of the House, to enter
upon this subject in a secret Session. Not that the government would necessarily
be able to reveal in very great detail military secrets, but we like to have our
discussions free, without the restraint imposed by the fact that they will be
read the next day by the enemy; and the Government would benefit by views freely
expressed in all parts of the House by Members with their knowledge of so many
different parts of the country. I understand that some request is to be made
upon this subject, which will be readily acceded to by His Majesty's Government.
We have found it necessary to take measures of increasing stringency, not only
against enemy aliens and suspicious characters of other nationalities, but also
against British subjects who may become a danger or a nuisance should the war be
transported to the United Kingdom. I know there are a great many people affected
by the orders which we have made who are the passionate enemies of Nazi Germany.
I am very sorry for them, but we cannot, at the present time and under the
present stress, draw all the distinctions which we should like to do. If
parachute landings were attempted and fierce fighting attendant upon them
followed, these unfortunate people would be far better out of the way, for their
own sakes as well as for ours. There is, however, another class, for which I
feel not the slightest sympathy. Parliament has given us the powers to put down
Fifth Column activities with a strong hand, and we shall use those powers
subject to the supervision and correction of the House, without the slightest
hesitation until we are satisfied, and more than satisfied, that this malignancy
in our midst has been effectively stamped out.
Turning once again, and this time more generally, to the question of invasion, I
would observe that there has never been a period in all these long centuries of
which we boast when an absolute guarantee against invasion, still less against
serious raids, could have been given to our people. In the days of Napoleon the
same wind which would have carried his transports across the Channel might have
driven away the blockading fleet. There was always the chance, and it is that
chance which has excited and befooled the imaginations of many Continental
tyrants. Many are the tales that are told. We are assured that novel methods
will be adopted, and when we see the originality of malice, the ingenuity of
aggression, which our enemy displays, we may certainly prepare ourselves for
every kind of novel stratagem and every kind of brutal and treacherous
manoeuvre. I think that no idea is so outlandish that it should not be
considered and viewed with a searching, but at the same time, I hope, with a
steady eye. We must never forget the solid assurances of sea power and those
which belong to air power if it can be locally exercised.
I have, myself, full confidence that if all do their duty, if nothing is
neglected, and if the best arrangements are made, as they are being made, we
shall prove ourselves once again able to defend our Island home, to ride out the
storm of war, and to outlive the menace of tyranny, if necessary for years, if
necessary alone. At any rate, that is what we are going to try to do. That is
the resolve of His Majesty's Government-every man of them. That is the will of
Parliament and the nation. The British Empire and the French Republic, linked
together in their cause and in their need, will defend to the death their native
soil, aiding each other like good comrades to the utmost of their strength. Even
though large tracts of Europe and many old and famous States have fallen or may
fall into the grip of the Gestapo and all the odious apparatus of Nazi rule, we
shall not flag or fail. We shall go on to the end, we shall fight in France, we
shall fight on the seas and oceans, we shall fight with growing confidence and
growing strength in the air, we shall defend our Island, whatever the cost may
be, we shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we
shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills; we
shall never surrender, and even if, which I do not for a moment believe, this
Island or a large part of it were subjugated and starving, then our Empire
beyond the seas, armed and guarded by the British Fleet, would carry on the
struggle, until, in God's good time, the New World, with all its power and
might, steps forth to the rescue and the liberation of the old.
